Many people wonder why the European powers, especially Germany, submitted to US policy in such an apparently docile manner, with serious consequences, especially in economic terms.
The explanation is that Western Europe was militarily occupied in 1945, and the European countries have only partially and to a limited extent disengaged from US pressure. NATO was merely a consolidation of that military occupation, to which other pressures, such as the omnipresence of the dollar, should be added.
The US plan for Germany and the countries liberated from Nazi occupation was called the Allied Military Government of the Occupied Territories (Amgot) (1). The post-war rhetorical invocations about the Eastern countries, “occupied by Soviet troops”, was a smokescreen that concealed the real military occupation: that of Western Europe.
This is a well-known phenomenon in the case of Germany, but less so in France, where the resistance refused to replace one occupation, the Germans, with another, the Americans. That is why in 1944 the Spanish Republican troops who led the liberation of Paris were under the command of General de Gaulle, not Eisenhower.
Unlike Germany, which was populated by Nazis who in 1945 went to work for the Anglo-Saxon powers, de Gaulle managed to prevent a new occupation and install a provisional French government.
As early as 1941-1942, Washington planned to impose on France, as well as on the future losers (Italy, Germany and Japan), a protectorate ruled by a military government, on the model envisaged in the Darlan-Clark agreements of November 1942 (2).
(2) The United States wanted a foothold in the French colonies, advocating an “open door” policy that would give it access to raw materials and where it could set up military bases (3).
Roosevelt always played the two cards: the de Gaulle and the Vichy cards. For its part, the Vichy government did the same: it supported the Third Reich, while secretly negotiating with the United States and Great Britain, both in the colonies and in the metropolis.
The United States distrusted de Gaulle, whom it regarded as a puppet of the Communists. Together with London, it recognised the Provisional Government of the French Republic on 23 October 1944, two and a half years after Soviet recognition and shortly before de Gaulle signed a Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance with Moscow on 10 December to counter US hegemony in Europe.
The punishment was to pull France out of the Yalta Treaty. De Gaulle did not sit in the historic photo alongside Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt and, although he avoided open military occupation, he had to make a number of important concessions. A secret memorandum concerning “French participation in the administration of the liberated territory in metropolitan France” stated:
“Article 1: The liberated territory in metropolitan France will be treated as friendly. However, the Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces shall have all the rights of military occupation resulting from the war. He will act on the basis that there is no sovereign government in France. He will not negotiate with the Vichy Government except to transfer authority into his own hands.
“Article 2: French civil servants and judicial personnel would be appointed, or confirmed, by the Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies and by his authorised delegates. These measures are intended to create, as soon as possible, the conditions which will permit the re-establishment of a representative French government in accordance with the freely expressed wishes of the French people.”
In the European territories occupied in 1945 by the American and British armies, the Amgot left in place old Nazi cadres (in the case of Germany) or collaborationists (in the case of France). It trained new ones in its own image at universities such as Yale or Charlottesville. It is a process that continued methodically during the Cold War, which was a factory of Europeans incapable of decolonising themselves politically, militarily, economically or culturally.
Western Europe is a continent still run by Trojan horses.
(2) On 22 November 1942, Admiral François Darlan, on behalf of the collaborationist Vichy government, and General Mark W. Clark, on behalf of Roosevelt, signed an agreement to place North Africa at the disposal of US imperialism.
(3) William A. Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, Dell Publishing, New York, 1959.
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